Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour economic plan. The public have been calling for Labour’s mission and principles to be more clearly expressed. By way of the choices made – a transition to a fairer tax system, targeting wealth to pay for addressing child poverty, quality public services and the living expenses – we have unequivocally set out what we stand for.
This is why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the fights to come. And it’s why the protests from the conservative side began immediately.
The central dividing line in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who aim to reform it so it benefits ordinary working people, and on the opposite side, our opponents, who favor the current system and the unsuccessful ideology of the past. We must now confront, and prevail in, the argument.
The Tories were given 14 years to resolve things and instead, by any measure, they got much worse. Their ideological austerity and trickle-down economics – tax cuts for the wealthy, reducing investment (causing us with low productivity and wages), and neglecting to support young people after the pandemic – didn’t work.
Quality of life fell by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages were stagnant, a housing crisis became entrenched, young people affected by Covid were left on the scrapheap. The history of failure goes on.
A single budget alone can’t fix everything, so Labour has a comprehensive plan for rebuilding and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the case for why our strategy will reap dividends.
During the Tories, welfare spending significantly increased. As did child poverty, because they didn’t address the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state ends up paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the cure.
It’s why we are building more social housing than for a generation, raising wages and new rights for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, getting waiting lists down and lowering the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
It’s also why we are completely justified to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was introduced, low-income families with children have suffered from a cruel social experiment that was marketed as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It’s done nothing but push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being heartless and immoral.
I know from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed without food and cold, living in cramped, damp homes, parents during the holidays depending on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of deep poverty.
Just a quarter of pupils from the poorest families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among affluent families. This sets them up for the challenges they face during their lives: missed potential, economic struggles and ill health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a ethical duty, it is a long-term investment. Poverty costs the economy far, far more than the three billion pound cost of lifting the two-child cap, or extending free school meals.
That’s why we acted urgently in the budget, despite the very difficult economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it won’t happen overnight either, so taking early action in the parliament was crucial.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of unsuccessful conservative ideology. Now it is gone.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being funded in a just way – from a new gaming tax, eliminating tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Fairness and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the battle of ideas. This budget is a definitive statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I repeatedly said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and set the agenda more forcefully about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve certainly done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and prevail in this struggle about how we will renew Britain and tackle the entrenched inequalities impeding progress.